Aristoteles Master-piece, or, The Secrets of Generation Displayed in all the parts thereof. Containing, 1. The signs of barrenness. 2. The way of getting a boy or girl. 3. Of the likeness of children to parents. 4. Of the infusion of the soul into the infant. 5. Of monstrous births, and the reasons thereof. 6. Of the benefit of marriage to both sexes. 7. The prejudice of unequal matches. 8. The discovery of insufficiency. 9. The cause and cure of the green-sickness. 10. A discourse of maiden-heads. 11. How a midwife ought to be qualified. 12. Directions and cautions to midwifes. 13. Of the privities. 14. The fabrick of the womb. 15. The use and action of the genitals. 16. Signs of conception, and whether of a male or female. 17. To discover false conceptions. 18. Instructions for women with child. 19. For preventing miscarriage. 20. For women in child-bed. 21. Of ordering new-born infants, and many other very useful particulars. To which is added a word of advice to both sexes in the act of copulation: and the pictures of several monsterous births drawn to the life, 1st edition, Printed for J. How, and are to be sold next door to the Anchor Tavern in Sweethings-Rents in Cornhil, 1684
Dominic Winter is auctioning one of only three known complete copies of the first edition of a seventeenth-century manual on sex and childbirth. As a detailed post in The History Blog explains:
The book is a compilation of the most sensationalized parts of two 16th century volumes, The Secret Miracles of Nature (1564) by Levinus Lemnius and De conceptu et generatione hominis (1554), a midwifery manual by Jakob Rüff. It was one of almost two dozen books about midwifery printed in the wake of the great success of Nicholas Culpeper’s Directory for Midwives, published in 1651. What made the Masterpiece stand out in the crowd was its promise of advice on “the act of copulation” on the very title page.
The same source points out that some of the woodcuts were “yoinked from French barber surgeon Ambroise Paré’s 1573 treatise Of Monsters and Prodigies“, which added to its appeal, and it went into over 250 editions, both pirated and legal (The History Blog).
At an estimated £10,000-15,000, this looks like an excellent birthday present choice for the discerning gent who has everything.
Basically he’s saying that the countryside we walk through – say, something like this …
… is pretty much inevitably a consequence of something like this …
… with bits of something like this (Lord Egremont and his dogs) …
… in between, not to mention the Percys, sixteenth-century enclosures and Queen Elizabeth’s canny grasp of the concept of keeping your friends close and your enemies closer. All in all, an intriguing read!
Present from Henry VIII to his heart-throb Anne Boleyn: a golden whistle with toothpick, ear-scoop, and (I think) something to clean out the dirt from under the fingernails. Not to mention the phallic symbolism (it’s shaped like a pistol, with snakes twined round it). If that doesn’t work, nothing will!
But she kept her head (for the time being). She wasn’t going to jump into bed with him, like her sister did.
a work of outstanding scholarship in which the author teases out differences between southern / Catholic / Latin and northern / Protestant / vernacular thinking about and attitudes towards both the infliction of physical pain and suffering on others and the deliberate infliction of pain and suffering on oneself.
I somewhat distrust the author’s generalizations because several of them appear to come from typing keywords into the Early English Books Online searchable database … But Yamamoto-Wilson does have some fascinating tidbits
I’ve written a few comments in response to Professor Marcus’s review here.
The author … chooses rather to assume than to prove his major interpretative principle, that the ascetic value ascribed to suffering in Christian thought and practice may be understood as the expression of masochistic or sadistic tendencies
I’ve written a few comments in response to Palmer’s review here.
While Toulalan covers the entire gamut of early modern sexuality (well, most of it!) in her work, my focus was considerably narrower, so only a couple of chapters of her book were directly relevant to my topic. Even so, I got quite a lot of tips from it on where to look for material to develop my own thesis. Since I was going so much more deeply into that particular area, it’s perhaps not entirely surprising that I came to a rather more specific conclusion about it than she did. Whereas she writes that, during the seventeenth century in general, ‘For the most part, though not entirely, sexual flagellation is represented as a Catholic practice, pursued and promoted by a corrupt and hypocritical priesthood’ (pages 99 & 100), I found on close examination of the material that this only became true very slowly over the course of the century. Up until about the middle of the century anti-Catholic satirical polemic tended to consist of variations on the theme of ‘they deserve to be whipped because they’re naughty boys’, and it was only very gradually that ascetic suffering started to be conflated with suffering for the purposes of sexual gratification until, by the end of the century, it became the predominant paradigm:
In came a ghastly Shape, all pale, and thin,
As some poor Sinner, who by Priest had been
Under a long Lent’s Penance, starv’d, and whip’d,
Or par-boil’d Lecher, late from Hot-house crept … .
John Oldham, Poems, and Translations (1683), p. 164
All in all, then, it was, as I say, a great pleasure to wake up and find that Sarah Toulalan had written about my work in such glowing terms. It quite made up for the last review, by Thomas Palmer in the Journal of Theological Studies, which I was moved to comment on here!
Pain, Pleasure and Perversity: Discourses of Suffering in Seventeenth-Century England is a work of outstanding scholarship in which the author teases out differences between southern / Catholic / Latin and northern / Protestant / vernacular thinking about and attitudes towards both the infliction of physical pain and suffering on others and the deliberate infliction of pain and suffering on oneself. Yamamoto-Wilson convincingly argues that in northern/
Protestant Europe during the seventeenth century there was a shift in such thinking and attitudes that meant that these behaviours came to be regarded as perverse and to be associated with sex, and frequently with religious others, especially Catholics.
To say I wrote it in 9 months flat, not much. Two years after publication I’ve had enough feedback and enough time to think about it to be able to reflect on it and, while one or two flaws have been pointed out to me, nothing particularly damaging to my basic argument has come to light.
But so far it seems no one but myself has noticed the biggest gaffe of all, right there, to my humiliation, on the very first page of the introduction, which begins:
During the earlier part of the seventeenth century, religious flagellation still survived, even in Protestant England. John Gee (a Church of England clergyman who went through a period of dalliance with Catholicism) recounts how, during the reign of James I, Catholic flagellants marched in procession to Tyburn, and – despite his renewed commitment to the Protestant cause – partly endorses the practice, declaring himself ‘no enemy vnto austerity of life, and taming or chastening our bodily sinfull members’ … (To read the complete introduction, click here.)
Yesterday being Good-friday, this present yeere 1624. they made some of you [i.e., Catholics] in the Morning, before day, goe in Procession to Tiburne, in penitentiall manner; the forme of which is, for a man to walke naked from the girdle vp ward, and scourge himself with a whip. The same day twelue-month last past, at a place of your solemne meeting in London, you made one whip himself so long, till he swouned, and was thought to bee past hope of recouery, so that hot water was instantly fetched to reuiue him.(Page 81)
This, I felt, was a striking enough illustration of the persistence of Catholic practices of mortification in Protestant illustration to make a fitting opening to my magnum opus, and I would probably never have known that there was anything more to it than that had I not chanced to take a look at a later edition of Gee’s book (also published in 1624), in which Gee has significantly emended what he wrote:
Pages 86-7 of the fourth edition (1624) of Gee's work
Here Gee corrects what he wrote in the first edition. In these times of ‘persecution’ the practice of ‘Whipping-cheere‘ is, he says, ‘not yet growne into that publike ostentation among vs, as to bee acted in the streets and high-wayes’.
In other words, Gee got it wrong! On hearing that there had been a penitential procession, he either assumed it had been ‘duly observed’ by scourging as the penitents made their way to Tyburn or had been assured it was so at second hand. As if to make up for this slip he adds further detail to the description of the Catholics making a man ‘whip himself so long, till he swouned’, saying, ‘This my selfe did then see, together with two or three hundred more spectators present at that meeting’ (p. 87).
In the revised edition, Gee inserts a sentence between his description of the whipping in London and the woman whipping herself to death in Brussels (both of which are in the original text), demonstrating that, while he slipped up in his description of the procession to Tyburn, he is not merely peddling gossip and hearsay.
So Gee got it wrong – and I, following Gee, got it wrong too.
This was at, or near, the top of the list of things making me nervous when I went for the viva for my PhD. As it turned out, though, all my worries were groundless; either the examiners hadn’t registered the mistakes in my work or they didn’t consider them worth making a fuss over!
Ironically, rather than detracting from my overall thesis, Gee’s emendation of his original account emphasizes the extent to which Protestant norms had grown apart from Catholic practices; the only time one would see a Catholic whipped in the streets of Jacobean England would be at the behest of a magistrate, not of a priest.
(Gee’s mistaken account of Catholics whipping themselves in the streets of Jacobean London is also cited on pages 72 and 91. If anyone should chance to notice any further inaccuracies in the work, please be so good as to let me know!)
Long version: I first registered for a PhD at Cambridge in 1975. The topic was translations of Spanish devotional literature into English, 1500-1700, to be submitted to the Faculty of English, and my supervisor was Professor Edward Meryon Wilson, of the Department of Spanish and Portuguese.
I was working on an interdisciplinary topic at a time when the Faculty of English basically ignored literature not written by Brits (yes, that would include American and Commonwealth literature, never mind anything not written in English!). Placing English literature in its broader European context was not a priority, and a few years earlier I had seen grown men cry when George Steiner gave his final lecture and left such infertile ground for Geneva.
Nevertheless, things went quite well at first, and several chapters were written to Professor Wilson’s satisfaction. Less than two years later, though, Professor Wilson died and things started to fall apart fast.
There I was, living in a little village six miles outside Cambridge, digging my vegetable garden and cycling to the University Library, where I would bury myself in the Rare Books Room, poring over ancient Spanish tomes and their early modern English translations. Every so often I would show what I’d written to Dr Richard Luckett, my new supervisor, and he seemed to think things were coming along OK. I didn’t manage to submit within three years, but was given an extension and (supporting myself mainly by teaching short contracts at language schools in and around Cambridge) submitted a completed manuscript a couple of years later and a date for a viva (oral examination) was set.
Within the first few minutes of the viva I knew I wasn’t going to pass. I no longer remember the names of the two examiners, but they were definitely “old school” – quite pleasant, but with misgivings (sincere, I think) about my analysis.
One of the big stumbling blocks, I remember, was my analysis of Spanish devotional literature as a repository for Judaic and Arabic elements which could have reached England in no other way. Miguel Asín Palacios had published quite widely on this in the 1920s and 30s, but under Franco such research was proscribed. My examiners felt it was unsuitable to use Asín Palacios and I just had to accept that. I was given the choice of accepting a lesser degree (an MLitt) or rewriting and submitting again. I chose the latter option.
A few years later, in 1985, the examiners were proved wrong about Judaic and Islamic influences on Spanish Catholic literature. Luce López-Baralt published Huellas del Islam en la literatura española, translated into English in 1992 as Islam in Spanish Literature. This contains several chapters demonstrating that many of the Spanish mystics were conversos or of converso descent, and incorporated signifcant elements of Judaic and Arabic thought into their work. Her conclusions are widely accepted and her scholarship brought Asín Palacios back into the mainstream, but it was too late to help me!
At this stage in my life (late 70s, early 80s) I was going through big upheavals, and at one stage was living in what could best be described as a kind of glorified garden shed in a village a few miles south of Cambridge. The external examiner (from Edinburgh University) had been particularly kind during the viva, and sent about a dozen pages of detailed comments on my paper. I disagreed with most of what he had written, but it didn’t really make any difference; I’d stored his report in a cardboard box in a corner of the “shed” and by the time I started working on rewriting the thesis his report had been torn to shreds by mice. What they hadn’t eaten had been recycled into nesting material!
By this time another row was simmering in the Faculty of English as the new school of structuralist criticism clashed with the old school. In 1981 “all hell broke loose”, as David Lodge put it in Nice Work, and Colin MacCabe was denied tenure. It was in the wake of this little episode that I finally submitted the revised manuscript. This time my examiners were definitely of the “new” school. I don’t recall the name of the external examiner, but the internal examiner was Lisa Jardine, at that time attached to Jesus College, and the viva was set to be held in her rooms there.
The day of the viva was a horrible rainy day, one I would prefer to forget. I fell off my bike, phoned to say I’d be late and arrived dripping wet half an hour late. I’d worn a suit, which was very unlike me, and regretted it as soon as I saw the trendy Superman pictures adorning Dr. Jardine’s room. I’d met her before, as it happened (in her house, in fact, at a couple of meetings to try and save the Kite, an area of Cambridge scheduled for redevelopment, and in which I lived for a few months in a squat), but she didn’t appear to remember me and I didn’t remind her.
So I got off to a bad start and things just went downhill from there. In the revised version, I’d defended myself pretty well against the objections of the first set of examiners, but this time I had to face a whole different set of objections. I guess I wasn’t “old” school and I wasn’t “new” school either. It must have been a bit like that for anyone who wasn’t a communist or a fascist in the Spanish Civil War; you got slammed by both sides!
Not that I blame anyone but myself when it comes down to it. I’d fallen into a rut. I hadn’t cultivated any relationships with other academics. I loved the old books and the words they contained. I even loved writing about them. But I scarcely cared what the examiners thought about what I’d written and didn’t really bother to counter their objections. In a way it came as a relief to know I was at the end of the road and there was nothing else for it but to accept an MLitt (which I’d been offered years earlier) and draw a line under the whole thing. I was told that I might, at some stage, reapply for consideration for a PhD on the basis of publications, but that seemed like a very remote possibility at the time.
I spent most of the next few years in Andalucía. I won’t go into all the details of my bohemian lifestyle – suffice to say that it was a breath of fresh air after all the headaches of trying to be an academic. However, it always seemed as if, however much I tried other avenues – music, translation, entrepreneurship – in the end it was always teaching that brought me a steady income.
So it was that the early 90s saw me back in Cambridge, working at a language school in Girton that happened to have strong ties with a university in Gifu, Japan. One thing led to another, and in April, 1993, I found myself working as a lecturer at Sophia University in Tokyo. At first I was in the General Foreign Languages section, teaching English to students whose major was Law, or Engineering, or something like that, but I also had a couple of literature classes and three years later was transferred to the English Literature Department, which is where I still am.
Obviously, I was under pressure to publish, so I got my postgraduate research out of the bottom drawer, where it had been languishing for a decade, and started picking out bits that might, with suitable polishing, be publishable. A piece demonstrating the Arabic associations of Juan de Avila, one of the Spanish mystics, was accepted by the journal Translation and Literature, and they also took a piece on James Mabbe, translator of the work of Mateo Alemán.
I got one piece of sound advice from a negative review of a rejected article. It didn’t make sense (the reviewer said) that I was focusing only on Spanish translations; the real issue, surely, was Catholic translations. The same reviewer alerted me to a lacuna in modern scholarship. As a Protestant himself, he didn’t think it was of any interest that “nominal Protestants” of the early modern period read translations of Catholic literature. Equally, I found that most Catholic scholars didn’t think it was any concern of theirs what Protestants were reading. Modern scholarship seemed to be divvying up the early modern period on much the same ideological lines as the early moderns themselves, and the Protestant readership of Catholic works had fallen through the cracks!
The last twenty years or so have seen a big reassessment of Catholics in the England of Elizabeth and the Stuarts, but there remains a gap in scholarly perceptions when it comes to the reception of Catholic literature by the Protestant mainstream. Try going to a conference on the Reformation or a related topic and telling people that the three most popular works of religious devotion among Catholics and Protestants alike during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries were all basically Catholic works and see what people say. The answer I most often got was a bemused, “Which ones?” (The Christian Exercise or Book of Resolution by Robert Persons [or Parsons], Luis de Granada’s Prayer and Meditation, and à Kempis’s Imitation of Christ, in case you were wondering!)
I branched out from Spanish devotional literature to Catholic literature as a whole and made it my aim to show that it wasn’t just “nominal” Protestants who took an interest in Catholic works. This came to be the basic subject matter of most of my papers over the last fifteen years or so.
However, when I got a sabbatical in 2011-12 I decided to work on a rather different topic. I’d come across some (to me) very surprising, not to say shocking, attitudes towards suffering in Catholic works in Spanish, Italian, French and Latin, and I’d noticed that when these works were translated into English they were almost always shorn of the more shocking aspects. A good example would be Jerome’s description of a young Christian bound naked and aroused by a prostitute, which I discuss in detail here. Despite the fact that the difference between Catholic and Protestant sensibilities regarding suffering was a significant cultural determiner in early modern England I felt that this was another subject that had been somewhat neglected, and decided to write a monograph on it. I met Tom Gray from Ashgate at a conference, and he encouraged me to put in a proposal, which was accepted in August 2011. I pulled all the stops out and handed the manuscript to the publisher at the end of March the following year.
A little over a year ago I put two copies of the monograph and my peer-reviewed papers in a cardboard box and sent it off to Cambridge for consideration for a PhD under special provisions. A few months later, they got in touch to say that Dr. Edward Wilson-Lee of Sidney Sussex had been appointed as my internal examiner and Geoffrey Wall of the University of York as the external. Dr. Wilson-Lee subsequently contacted me, and we agreed on an interview date of March 19, 2015, to coincide with my next planned visit to the UK.
The atmosphere of the interview could hardly have been more different from the previous two occasions. These people liked my work – they said so! We spent nearly two hours discussing various aspects of the articles and the monograph (especially the monograph), but it was clear from the beginning which way things were going.
It’s taken a further four months for the degree to be conferred (there are procedures for these things, you know!). Unfortunately, I wasn’t able to attend the degree ceremony in person, but finally, 40 years after I initially registered for a PhD at Cambridge, I have the piece of paper in my hand. It’s been a long haul!
Last Christmas, a friend who happens to be an antiquarian bookseller posted on Facebook an image of what he took to be the first recorded instance of the expression “merry Christmas” in print. The book in question was An Itinerary VVritten by Fynes Moryson Gent (1617).
My friend protested that he was going by the Oxford English Dictionary, which does indeed give the 1617 work as the first occurrence of the expression with modern spelling:
But, clearly, OED has got it wrong!
I recently used this example to kick start a workshop on EEBO, and followed it with another example, this time one provided by Kenji Go, one of the attendees of the workshop. He did some work on the origin of the cosmic sense of space, published in Notes and Queries, showing that the earliest use of the word “space” to denote the place where the heavenly bodies are located predates the first usage cited in the OED (which at that time was given as Milton, 1667) by some 85 years. In response, OED has updated its entry:
While reading through Professor Go’s work, and checking through the OED entry, I couldn’t help but notice the close link between “space” as “cosmos” (sense 8 in OED) and space as physical extent or area (sense 7), especially Shakespeare’s usage in Hamlet:
Once again, a check on EEBO TCP shows that OED has missed a number of earlier references to “infinite space”, the earliest being A Sermon of Saint Chrysostome (1542). The usage that particularly interested me was in Sermons of Master Iohn Caluin, vpon the Booke of Iob (1574), “behold the heauen is of infinite space in cōparison, & yet we see it is borne vp by the only power of God” (p. 494). It seemed to me that the concept of space as physical extent or area was morphing here into the concept of space as cosmos; “heaven”, as used here, is not an abstraction, an idealized world unknowable while we are in this world, but something we can “behold” and “see”, that is, the place where the sun and the moon and the stars are.
The page on the Swiss database is located here. In the French, as in the English, heaven is described as being of an infinite space, rather than as being, in itself, an infinite space, but it does begin to look as if the English concept of space as cosmos either owes something to French usage or developed in tandem with it.
Either way, the basic point is that this whole subject of the earliest usage of particular words and phrases is not something I have made a particular study of. My research interests are quite different, and these examples – “merry Christmas”, the cosmic sense of space and the expression “infinite space” – are just random examples that happen to have crossed my radar by chance. Doubtless, there are many more examples out there, and substantial revision of the OED is going to be needed in the light of the EEBO TCP database.
OK, so the friend who put up the merry Christmas Facebook post now tells me he’s pushed “merry Christmas” back to 1534, in a letter from John Fisher to Thomas Cromwell.
I note though that here “merry” only has one “r”. Still, with the growth of online databases we are more and more being forced to acknowledge that whatever we think we know about the early modern period is provisional. I guess we’ll have to wait until early modern manuscript material goes text-searchable to get the real dope!
Call to action!
@Maggie_R_Scott Absolutely! And if every early modernist who uses EEBO TCP sent one entry a week it could be done in a matter of months!
A discourse community can be defined as having six clear characteristics :
1. “A discourse community has a broadly agreed set of common public goals.”
2. “A discourse community has mechanisms of intercommunication among its members.”
3. “A discourse community uses its participatory mechanisms primarily to provide information and feedback.”
4. “A discourse community utilizes and hence possesses one or more genres in the communicative furtherance of its aims.”
5. “In addition to owning genres, a discourse community has acquired a specific lexis.”
6. “A discourse community has a threshold level of members with a suitable degree of relevant content and discoursal expertise”
(John Swales, “The Concept of Discourse Community,” in Elizabeth Wardle and Doug Downs, eds., Writing About Writing: A College Reader, Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2011)
Catholics and Protestants meet the above criteria in the following ways: Both groups seek to promote their brand of Christianity (#1). They congregate in churches and publish books and pamphlets both for the benefit of the members of their community and to inform and attract others (#2). Members are kept in touch with the teachings of the community through church attendance and reading the relevant literature (#3). The core values are transmitted via ritual, sermons, communal prayer, works of devotion, etc. (#4). Practices and beliefs are identified through precise terms, some of which are adapted from language in more general use, some of which are common to both groups, and some of which are specific to one or other group (#5). Both communities have trained individuals (priests, vicars, theologians, etc.) who have specialist understanding of the issues and are vested with a certain authority to resolve disputes about the core values of the community (#6).
That’s it. That’s all we’re concerned with here. I understand that this may seem pretty reductive (where is God here, or the soul, or the purpose of life?), and I’m aware that the expression “brand of Christianity” may seem cynical or mocking. It is not intended to be. I’m not attempting to deny the spiritual or confessional values that Catholics and Protestants espouse. It’s simply that they are outside the parameters of this discussion. For present purposes, these six features are the ones I am interested in.
The early modern Catholic and Protestant discourse communities have two other basic features in common; they share the same origins and they are mutually hostile.
One of the striking features of Protestant adaptations of Catholic literature in early modern England is just how much did not need to be changed in order for a Catholic work to be acceptable for a Protestant readership. Whole chapters – and sometimes entire works – were often publishable with only very minor changes.
One of the most extreme examples is The Profit of Believing (London: Roger Daniel, 1651), a translation of Augustine of Hippo, De utilitate credendi ad Honoratum. Clancy (English Catholic Books, 1641–1700: A Bibliography, Ashgate, 1996) classifies this as a Catholic work, and indeed it probably was, but it was published with a preface which cites Calvin, William Fulke (1538–1589) and other Protestant writers as valid authorities (sig. A2r-v).
This 1651 edition of The Profit of Believing is an apparently Catholic text with a clearly Protestant preface.
The title page is – perhaps deliberately – ambiguous and, in addition to being published on its own, it was published bound together with four other works as Five Treatises, of which at least three (including this one) have clear Catholic overtones (one of the others supports the doctrine of Mary as the “Mother of God” and the other had been published secretly as a Catholic work in 1623).
Despite references to Catholicism in the text, the preface cites Protestant sources with approval.
The Protestant references in the preface to this work would appear to be a veneer, disguising the Catholic nature of the text, but the printer, Roger Daniel, could also have protested that the word “Catholic” in the text was intended to designate, not the Roman, but “‘the Antient Catholick Apostolick Faith, held forth in the Church of England” (John Goodman, A Serious and Compassionate Inquiry into the Causes of the Present Neglect and Contempt of the Protestant Religion and Church of England [London: Robert White for Richard Royston, 1674], p. 6), that is, the faith of the early Christians, before the Church had been corrupted (as the Protestants saw it) by Romish doctrines. (See “An Annotated Catalogue of Protestant Editions in English of Works by and Relating to Saint Augustine of Hippo, 1529-1700” for further details of this work.)
Another work which is illuminating in this context is Edmund Bunny’s adaptation of the Jesuit Robert Persons’s The First Booke of the Christian Exercise Appertayning to Resolution (1582). Despite the accusations of piracy and worse levelled against Bunny, he made only the minimum changes necessary for the work to be openly publishable under English law, and “did not take hundreds of other opportunities to add phrases … that would have given the work a more obviously Protestant tone” (Brad Gregory, “The ‘True and Zealouse Service of God’: Robert Parsons, Edmund Bunny, and The First Booke of the Christian Exercise“, Journal of Ecclesiastical History 45, no. 2, 1994, pp. 238–68; p. 243). (See “Robert Persons’s Resolution (1582) and the issue of textual piracy in Protestant editions of Catholic devotional literature” for a discussion of the ins and outs of textual “piracy”.)
This of course begs the question of what a “Protestant tone” would have meant at that time. Obviously words relating to points of doctrine would define a text as Protestant or Catholic, but it goes further than that, particularly – and this is a subject I will deal with more fully in a later post – when it comes to the language of suffering:
As Toby Matthew notes, what we might call the common-sense values of the Old Testament – “Riches, Plenty, Posterity, and the like” – were “degraded” by the life and example of Christ and replaced by “their contraryes, [such] as Paine, Poverty, Persecution, Chastity, and Humility” (in Vicenzo Puccini, Life of the Holy and Venerable Mother Suor Maria Maddalena de Patsi, Saint Omer, 1619, preface, sig. ***3v). These, for Matthew, are the true Christian virtues, and from his perspective the Protestant world-view signals a rejection of the message of Christ and a return to Old Testament values. Matthew merely picks out a few representative terms here; many others – ‘suffering’, ‘humiliation’, ‘mortification’, ‘contempt’, ‘flagellation’ and so forth – could be added. Taken in their totality, these words represent the monastic values of a millennium of Christian tradition on which Protestants effectively turned their backs, claiming it to be a perversion of the teachings of Christ. This rejection of monastic values leads, in turn, to a stigmatization of the language associated with these values. (Pain, Pleasure and Perversity, p. 74, adapted.)
When Simon Patrick came across Augustine Baker’s retelling of a tale from Walter Hilton’s Scala Perfectionis (in Serenus Cressy’s Sancta Sophia; or Directions for the Prayer of Contemplation &c. vol. 1, pp. 45-55, Douai: John Patté and Thomas Fievet, 1657), he was able to adapt it to his own purposes with very little deviation from the sense of the Catholic original. The story is of a pilgrim on the way to Jerusalem faced with various different paths all purporting to be the one true path. Baker specifies just what that true path is with the words, “Before thou set the first step into the high way that leades thither, thou must be firmly grounded in the true Catholicke faith”.
Augustine Baker’s The Parable of a Pilgrim, a retelling of a tale from Walter Hilton, was published for a Catholic readership in 1657.
Patrick acknowledges the Catholic source of his text in the preface to The Parable of the Pilgrim (London: Robert White for Francis Tyson, 1665), but he does not refer explicitly either to Catholicism or Protestantism either here or in the body of the text. In a sense, then, his text bears comparison with that of Roger Daniel’s edition of The Profit of Believing; there are very few discursive features which identify the text as either Catholic or Protestant and the reader is left to infer which is the true f
Although Patrick’s text (which is over 500 pages long, compared with the ten pages or so of Baker’s text) does not contain any explicit references to Catholicism, it nevertheless reproduces much of the lexis of Baker’s text. The key phrase, “I am nought and I have nought and I desire nought but Jesus and Jerusalem”, repeated several times in Patrick’s text in slightly different forms, is based on Baker, who also repeats it with slight variations. Most of the concepts that Baker touches on – faith, sin, conscience, humility, charity, suffering and so on – are taken up and developed by Patrick. This is not to say that there aren’t significant differences (I’ll come back to some of these in a later post), but there is a considerable amount of overlap.
Simon Patrick’s The Parable of the Pilgrim (1665) is a Protestant adaptation of Baker’s work.
Part of the reason Patrick is able to draw so closely on Baker’s work is that Catholic and Protestant discourse developed at this time partly in tandem, that is to say, Catholics frequently wrote taking Protestant views into account and vice versa. For example, Baker shows a clear awareness of the Protestant doctrine of justification by faith rather than by works when he writes “though thou hast done to thy seeming neuer so many good deeds both outvvard & invvard, yet in truth thou hast nothing at all, for nothing vvill abide in thy soule & fill it, but the loue of Iesus” (p. 488). Of course, this has its roots in John 15.5 and in Augustine, and is equally a part of Catholic as of Protestant doctrine, but Baker’s emphasis on it appears to be by way of making the point that Protestants do not have the monopoly on justification by faith.
I’ll finish this post by turning again to Edmund Bunny. Bunny’s adaptation of Persons’s work is so frequently dismissed as a “piracy” that the accompanying Treatise Tending towards Pacification has generally been overlooked. For anyone interested in Protestants and Catholics as discourse communities it is well worth studying in some detail, as it is (I think) the first attempt at a detailed analysis of Catholic and Protestant discourse. Bunny approaches the question from the point of view of translations of the Bible, the central issue for him being whether or not “how much soeuer we praetend to haue the word of God to direct us in al our doings, yet, by the means of wrong translations, we haue nothing at al indeed” (p. 63). He aims to clarify “what they [Catholics] or we [Protestants] haue gained or lost by our translations, in the pith or substance of translation”, and makes a distinction between “some faults that concern the words alone [i.e., semantic issues]: and some that concern the matter too [i.e., substantive issues]” (p. 66). He argues that as long as Catholics were refusing to translate the Bible at all there was a substantial issue at stake, but now that Catholics were themselves translating the Bible into English (the Douay translation of the New Testament had come out just a few years earlier, in 1582) “there is little else against us but quarrel of words” (p. 72).
THE DEBATE over whether humanity is becoming less violent has its beginnings in Ted Robert Gurr’s 1982 article “Historical trends in violent crime : a critical review of the evidence” (in Tonry and Morris, eds, Crime and Justice : an Annual Review of Research). Several other studies, mainly based on homicide data from Scandinavia and Holland, appeared to corroborate Gurr’s findings, and pretty soon this pattern of an apparent decline in violence was linked to Norbert Elias’s thesis of a “civilizing process”, first propounded in Über den Prozeß der Zivilisation (1939), but virtually unknown until it was republished in 1969 and translated into English.
Manuel Eisner’s “Long-Term Trends in Violent Crime” (2003) sums up the general findings of the previous couple of decades with the words, “Serious interpersonal violence decreased remarkably in Europe between the mid-sixteenth and the early twentieth centuries” (p. 83), elaborating that, while there may be disagreement about the details and, more fundamentally, the causes of the decline, the fact of the decline itself is hardly in doubt:
… if nothing else, most historians of crime would probably agree that the long-term trajectory in homicide rates is an indicator of a wider dynamic that encompasses some sort of pacification of interaction in public space. (P. 125)
So far, discussion of the issue is based on various kinds of court records of homicide rates. Steven Pinker, in the following TED presentation (2007) takes the whole issue one step further, arguing that there has been a decline of violence not merely in the civilian context but including the field of warfare:
Specifically, he says that if the hunter-gatherer norms of 10,000+ years ago had been prevalent during the 20th century humanity would seen something like two billion deaths through warfare, rather than the 100 million that actually occurred (3:48-4:06).
This statistic is based on an observation of deaths in warfare in hunter-gather tribes today, which he gives as ranging from nearly 60% among the Jivaro to around 15% among the Gebusi (3:20 ff). One can argue about whether that is the best way to measure the data, but he does give rather more varied data in The Better Angels of our Nature (2011), summed up in the following graph:
He modifies his position slightly in the book, saying that tribal warfare was nine times as deadly as war and genocide in the 20th century (“Rates of Violence in State and Non-State Societies”).
One can see where Pinker is going just from the above table; by his reckoning states, even in ancient times, were much safer, less violent places to live than non-state or tribal societies. The rather anecdotal evidence given in the video of violence in biblical times, classical antiquity and the medieval period is also more fully presented in the book than in the video presentation, though he does not fully erase the objection that, just because there were horrific war crimes and cruelty was tolerated in public spaces as a salutary measure and as entertainment, that does not in itself prove that there was quantifiably more violence.
I won’t go into the second half of Pinker’s presentation, where he develops various theories about why violence is declining, because I’d like to slow down a little and think a bit more deeply about the basis for the assumption that violence is declining. How sure can we be that Gurr and Eisner and Pinker – and a string of other researchers in the area – have got it right?
In spite of the virtual consensus that Eisner claims (cited above) the decline of violence may not be quite such a given as it appears to be. Richard Mc Mahon, Joachim Eibach and Randolph Roth, in “Making sense of violence? Reflections on the history of interpersonal violence in Europe” (Crime, Histoire & Sociétés, 17:2, 2013, pp. 5-26), sound a note of caution, pointing out that Pinker may be getting too far ahead of himself in attributing the decline to “individualism, cosmopolitanism, reason, and science” while others are still “preferring … to emphasize changes in medical expertise and practice, in the age structure of the population and also the difficulties inherent in the use of the available sources” (p. 6).
Objections at this level preempt asking what has caused the decline in violence; in effect, they undermine – or at least cast into doubt – the proposition that there has been any decline at all. Here, in detail, are some of the objections:
Historians of homicide are also not always comparing like with like when they compare homicide rates from the middle ages with those of later periods. In an English context … the homicide rates from the early modern period are often derived from the number of indictments for homicide while those for the middle ages are generated from coroners’ rolls … This would suggest that any simple narrative of decline is problematic. The available evidence rather indicates that rates fluctuated considerably between the late middle ages and the early modern period with … no obvious or consistent pattern of decline. There is also a difficulty for those who support the civilising process thesis in drawing on evidence from the fourteenth century without offering due attention to rates from the thirteenth century which indicate that rates at that time were actually lower than a century later. The use of the fourteenth century as a point of comparison can then serve to distort the difference between the middle ages and the early modern period.
… the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century was a time of particularly high rates in many regions. This again distorts the difference between the eighteenth and earlier centuries … [and] suggests any broad narrative of decline driven by a wider civilising process is at least open to question.
… Recent estimates suggest that circa 50 per cent of victims in the late nineteenth century would have survived if they had access to the benefits of modern medical care and emergency services … Might, for instance, individuals in societies that experienced major episodes of famine such as Ireland, Belgium and Finland be more likely to die following violent attacks than those in countries spared the ravages of widespread food shortages ? Remarkably there has, as yet, been no attempt to establish a correlation between homicide rates and broader trends in mortality and health over time and space.
The impact of medical care and nutrition on homicide rates also has implications for the civilising process thesis. High homicide rates … are usually due to the prevalence of male-on-male fighting [which] must, however, be far less likely to lead to homicide in the present day due to medical intervention and improved nutrition … there is a lack of intent to kill in the first instance ; … the protagonists are less likely to have pre-planned the attack and are, therefore, less likely to bring weapons to the scene ; and … they are more likely than, for instance, cases of domestic violence to involve protagonists of similar strength. It is likely, therefore, that improvements in medical care would have a particular impact on the extent of homicides arising from male-on-male fighting relative to other forms of homicide.
If we allow for improvements in medical care, the impact of emergency services and improved nutrition, and take account as well of the need to revise the population estimates … we could reasonably argue that medieval homicide rates need to be reduced significantly before they are compared to rates in the present day. If we were to simply allow for improvements in medical care and emergency services, present-day rates could be very similar to rates in the eighteenth century … In some cases the rates for the eighteenth century would be lower than those for the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. Rates for the fourteenth century would still be higher than the European average … today but even here we need to be careful. First, rates calculated for the thirteenth century would be much closer to those in the present – again raising questions about any fundamental decline in experiences of interpersonal violence. Second, and perhaps most crucially, questions can also be asked about the use of homicide rates as an indicator of the extent of non-lethal interpersonal violence. Central to the civilising process thesis is the claim that homicide rates can be seen as indicators of the wider prevalence of violence in a society … This … although ostensibly reasonable, is based more on assumptions rather than on evidence of the relationship between lethal and non-lethal violence. (Mc Mahon, Eibach and Roth, pre-publication proof.)
Mc Mahon, Eibach and Roth conclude that “We need to at least entertain the idea that it is possible for there to be a difference
in homicide rates between different societies and/or periods without this necessarily reflecting a fundamental difference in the extent of non-lethal violence”. They are not saying that it is back to the drawing board on this, but they do seem to be suggesting that people like Max Christoph Roser, who are taking Pinker’s analysis as gospel and making it their starting point for further suppositions along the lines of Elias’s “civilizing process”, may perhaps be jumping the gun.
Acknowledgement: A proof of Mc Mahon, Eibach and Roth's paper was sent to my by John Cronin (European University Institute, Florence alumnus), with the blessings of one of the co-authors (I think Richard McMahon). My thanks to both, and let me take this opportunity of giving a plug to their forthcoming book, which I understand is scheduled for publication in 2016.
Continuing my attempt to keep up with research in the field, here are two recent publications in the field of medical humanities.
Rob Boddice (ed.), Pain and Emotion in Modern History (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014). Chapters by Rob Boddice, Javier Mocoso, Paolo Santangelo, David Biro, Joanna Bourke, Wilfried Witte, Nouémi Tousignant, Sheeny Cully, Liz Gray and Danny Rees (detailed list of contents here).
This looks like a no-brainer – what would be the use of the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership if we can’t use it? – but it’s actually something of a minefield. How often, I wonder, has work citing the database been met with a response like the following?
I somewhat distrust the author’s generalizations because several of them appear to come from typing keywords into the Early English Books Online searchable database.
The starting point of any online database research will inevitably be typing keywords. If that is wrong in itself then all the money that has been spent on creating databases has clearly been misspent! And any research which does no more than type in keywords and simply report on results is hardly worthy of the name research.
Let’s start by taking a look at an example of a keyword search and the follow-up work it entails:
[This is the third in a series of three videos I posted a few weeks ago on the use of the EEBO and TCP databases. The complete series of videos is here.]
It should be clear from this that searches of this kind are pretty gruelling. Typing in keywords is the starting point, but after that a wide range of variables needs to be taken into account, from variant spellings to differences in the number of books published within a particular genre during a particular period. And, crucially, the process involves checking the results of the searches to ensure that the occurrences really are valid examples of the particular usage one is interested in.
For me, that’s just the starting point, the spadework before getting down to the job of analyzing usage in particular contexts, relating that to source texts (a lot of my work is with translations, so I want to know what the original text said), checking the background and views of authors, placing the usage in the context of other related texts and so on.
I’m a texty kind of guy, so I’m less interested in the statistical stuff than in seeing the results in context, but the raw figures can sometimes be of interest. EEBO TCP is still incomplete, but it nevertheless offers a much bigger – and more representative – sample than, say, a MORI poll, and it is unlikely that the general pattern of discourse usage picked out in the video above will alter very much once the gaps remaining in the database have been filled.
Last summer (2013) I attended a conference on early modern digital humanities. I could have done with that kind of input before embarking on Pain, Pleasure and Perversity; I might have escaped some of the more obvious pitfalls. I only cite the database eight times in 235 pages, and I don’t think the few claims I made based on it are wrong to any substantial degree, but even so I can see, in hindsight, ways I could have tightened up my approach/presentation.
What really interests me, though, is the discovery that, in acknowledging my use of the database, I appear very much to have stuck my neck out. A search for “EEBO TCP” on Google Books currently purports to turn up some 450 results, though in fact it dries up after page 7, giving fewer than 70 results (does anyone know why this happens on Google?). Astonishingly (to me), my book appears on the first page (at the bottom)! Most of the other books on that first page are specifically on the use of online databases in early modern studies. Can I really be so unusual as a researcher working in the field and giving credit to the database?
Apparently, yes. I searched again, specifying publications since 2010, and there is only one page of results!
So what is actually happening here? Are scholars just not using the database? I don’t think so. The impression I get from talking to people at conferences, etc., is that early modernists are logging in at about the same rate as other people have hot breakfasts. Is this such a recent development that it is not yet fully reflected in print? Probably, to some extent. About three years ago, after I had been working solidly on the database for about three weeks in the Rare Books Room at Cambridge University Library, one of the librarians came up and asked me what I was working on. I showed him the database and he was astounded; Cambridge was affiliated to it, but none of the library staff even knew it existed! A couple of months later they held a seminar on it, but prior to that it seems not to have been on anyone’s radar; I certainly didn’t see anyone else using it.
American scholars appear to have been quicker off the mark. I would frequently notice a marked slowdown in download times in the middle of the afternoon, which would be about the time people in the US would be logging on.
I could be wrong about this, but what it looks like to me is that lots of people are using the database, but not many are acknowledging it. Top marks on that score to Bruce R. Smith (in Christie Carson and Peter Kirwan, eds, Shakespeare and the Digital World: Redefining Scholarship and Practice, CUP, 2014), who writes:
I didn’t even have to rely on my recollections of just where the passages I wanted were located. I could simply enter a keyword as a search term, and there the desired text would be on my computer screen, ready for cutting and pasting directly into my draft … What effectively connected me to the texts I wanted was not just my possession of a computer but my university’s subscriptions to EEBO and EEBO-TCP. (Pp. 24-5)
Even then, though, Smith’s main point is how he was brought back to the reality of the printed book when one of the texts he wanted to access wasn’t on the database.
Many others, I suspect, are being less than candid about their use of the database. I could have done the same. How smart I would have looked, with all that intimate knowledge of such a wide range of texts!
I’m glad I was up-front about it, though. I would be the first to agree that there is nothing quite like the printed book, and uses of the database that took me away from reading and analyzing text just wouldn’t interest me but, like Smith, the database ‘connected me to the texts I wanted’ (or to many of them), and enabled me to find out things about the early modern printed corpus that simply would not have been discoverable by any other means.